Equally important is the task of depoliticising the institutions. As unlikely as it may appear in the abiding context, consistent with the pledge to start off by cleaning their own houses, the political leaders must face the mirror and find ways to transform their parties into genuine political institutions capable of serving public interests. In this context, the meaningful delivery of anti-corruption actions demands a paradigm change in our political culture, focusing on a rediscovery of values and practices of political parties and their affiliated entities. No less catalytic is the politicised dysfunctionality of the relevant institutions. The same is true of the numerous networks of corruption syndicates in public procurement and supply at various levels, which are the source of filthy enrichment of the politically connected in collusion with a section of public officials involved in a win-win game. It was never in doubt, therefore, that if the process of investigations for accountability was robust enough, it could open a Pandora's box which the system is far from capable of handling. Read more CPI 2022: Disappointing global and Bangladesh performances A further question remains about the role of the relevant authorities, whose job was to ensure compliance in importing and deploying the various state-of-the-art materials, equipment and foreign staff. It is no secret that the casino business flourished under the knowledge and participation of a section of local political leaders and "public representatives," while it also thrived before the eyes of local administration and law enforcement officials, some of whom were allegedly among beneficiaries. The range of illegality around the casino scandal, public procurement and other forms of abuse of politically linked power, as then exposed by the drive, were scandalous – though not surprising. The series of appalling crime stories like the brutal killing of Buet student Abrar Fahad and the brazen harassment of Phulpori Khatun at the Islamic University in Kushtia has been systematically exposing the normalisation of criminalised politics, with academic institutions as training grounds. Their role models, colluders and protectors are within the power structure and sustain the supply chain of the worrisome deepening and widening of corruption in the name of political affiliation.Īnother dimension of the abuse of politically linked power is the ever-increasing criminality of student politics, as manifested through endless examples of unlimited expertise of the dominant sections of today's "student leaders" in all conceivable categories of power abuse and relevant illegal activities. The strategic importance and role of such cadres for the zero-sum game of politics was never in doubt, nor did it need rocket science to understand that their peers and cohorts are already spread all around and have captured every aspect of life. Over the years, this licence has been blessed, protected and promoted by beneficiaries among power-holders and duty-bearers in political, business, administrative, law enforcement and related institutional infrastructures.īut there was always the possibility that the drive was going to be an eyewash not merely because those directly targeted by the drive were just the front-liners, but also because they represented only the tip of the iceberg. Positions of power acquired through various means, including financial, governmental, and above all political, sometimes real but often also manipulated, have long been allowed to be treated as a licence for self-enrichment through various illicit means, irrespective of whichever party is in power. As shocking as such evidence of criminalisation of politics is, it is hardly surprising.
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